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Hélène Landemore Democratic Reason. Politics, Collective Intelligence, and the Rule of Many


Individual decision making can often be wrong due to misinformation, impulses, or biases. Collective decision making, on the other hand, can be surprisingly accurate. In Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore demonstrates that the very factors behind the superiority of collective decision making add up to a strong case for democracy. She shows that the processes and procedures of democratic decision making form a cognitive system that ensures that decisions taken by the many are more likely to be right than decisions taken by the few. Democracy as a form of government is therefore valuable not only because it is legitimate and just, but also because it is smart. Landemore considers how the argument plays out with respect to two main mechanisms of democratic politics: inclusive deliberation and majority rule. In deliberative settings, the truth-tracking properties of deliberation are enhanced more by inclusiveness than by individual competence. Landemore explores this idea in the contexts of representative democracy and the selection of representatives. She also discusses several models for the "wisdom of crowds" channeled by majority rule, examining the trade-offs between inclusiveness and individual competence in voting. When inclusive deliberation and majority rule are combined, they beat less inclusive methods, in which one person or a small group decide. Democratic Reason thus establishes the superiority of democracy as a way of making decisions for the common good.

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Weleslase Gebreabzgi The Extent of Reason State in the Ethiopian Constitutional Order


Constitutional reason of state is all about making a rational adjustment between power of the governor and rights of the governed. the modes reasons of state are manifested in different discourses whereby the government exercises its powers, such as state of emergency and limitations of rights to be exercised even in normal times. This work tries to expound how the constitution of the Federal Democratic of Ethiopia has adjusted powers and rights in such circumstances.

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Guerber Hélène Adeline The Story of the Greeks

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Alexis de Tocqueville's political masterpiece, Democracy in America, remains the most important contribution to the study of modern democracy to date. Though Tocqueville scholars have exhausted the work's most popular themes like 'the tyranny of the majority' and 'democratic despotism' they have overlooked a feature of American life central to the survival of the nation: the democratic family. The Democratic Family in Tocqueville's America examines the greatest dangers of democratic life and shows how the family remediates these through the new roles of American women;as domestic 'keepers of morals' women take on an instructive role held by men in ages past, and in doing so, exemplify a novel recognition of difference in the age of equality. The book argues for stronger attention to women and family as features key to understanding how American democracy thrived in Tocqueville's day, and gives us reason to hope that it can survive today. The Democratic Family sheds considerable light on an understudied aspect of Tocqueville's work and can be enjoyed by both academic audiences as well as readers with general interest in American democracy.

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Ernst Probst Helene Boucher. Die franzosische Wunderfliegerin


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Bringing together new work from many of the leading experts on democratic citizenship, this volume presents both normative argument and empirical analysis to help deepen our understanding of the various competences that citizens require if there is to be a flourishing democratic political order in our present age.The essays explore the following themes: (1) the essential components of democratic citizenship and how these can be fostered; (2) the state of citizen competence in various democratic regimes; (3) civil society as a crucial site for the exercise and development of democratic citizenship; (4) new findings that show democratic citizens to have more political information and behave more rationally than hitherto supposed; and (5) the theory and practice of new institutional forms for democratic deliberation and democratic control.The final section of the book explores new and revitalized forms of democratic participation as well as the kind of participation that is likely to foster a wide variety of citizen competences. The discussion runs from what we know and can expect from town meetings, to the value of public work in fostering a democratic citizenry, to entirely new forms for expressing citizen judgment.

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There is a widespread belief, among both political scientists and government policymakers, that "democracies don't fight each other." Here Joanne Gowa challenges that belief. In a thorough, systematic critique, she shows that, while democracies were less likely than other states to engage each other in armed conflicts between 1945 and 1980, they were just as likely to do so as were other states before 1914. Thus, no reason exists to believe that a democratic peace will survive the end of the Cold War. Since U.S. foreign policy is currently directed toward promoting democracy abroad, Gowa's findings are especially timely and worrisome. Those who assert that a democratic peace exists typically examine the 1815-1980 period as a whole. In doing so, they conflate two very different historical periods: the pre-World War I and post-World War II years. Examining these periods separately, Gowa shows that a democratic peace prevailed only during the later period. Given the collapse of the Cold War world, her research calls into question both the conclusions of previous researchers and the wisdom of present U.S. foreign policy initiatives. By re-examining the arguments and data that have been used to support beliefs about a democratic peace, Joanne Gowa has produced a thought-provoking book that is sure to be controversial.

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Immanuel Kant, Thomas Kingsmill Abbott Critique of Practical Reason


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